The Chase
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GERMAN INDUSTRY
Economic uncertainty is anticipated to loom large for German voters heading to the polls tomorrow. While jobs have risen overall, mostly from additions to the service sector, automotive giants have announced cost-cutting plans and dramatic slashes to their labor force over the next two years. Germany’s core export industries, automobiles and machinery, showed signs of decline even before the compounded shock of Covid-19 and the war in Ukraine, as China transitioned away from being a key market for German companies.
A 2014 INET paper by SERVAAS STORM and C.W.M. NAASTEPAD on Germany after the 2008 recession examines the country’s superior export competitiveness:
“Germany’s resilience cannot be explained in terms of its (superior) international cost competitiveness, nor can one attribute the Eurozone imbalances to differences in relative unit labour costs. Germany’s rebound is not due to the Hartz reforms and ‘effective wage suppression.’ Far from it. We argue that Germany’s remarkable rebound must be explained in terms of the country’s superior technological performance giving rise to strong non-price competitiveness. Germany’s technological prowess, in turn, is founded on economic coordination and strongly market-guiding industrial policies—not cost competition. We begin by questioning the conventional wisdom and argue that changes in relative unit labor costs do not explain Germany’s superior export performance. We proceed to providing evidence on Germany’s technological competitiveness and its determinants. We further consider how ‘wage suppression’ has actually been damaging to Germany’s aggregate performance. The Euro Plus Pact has wrongly reinforced the belief that crisis countries are crisis countries because of weak unit labour cost competitiveness and Germany is strong because of strong cost competitiveness. The wrong lessons have been learned from Germany’s rapid rebound from crisis and this is leading to large avoidable economic costs.”
+ “Industrial production in the EU’s largest economy has been declining for over five years, a source of profound angst in a country where manufacturing contributes around 5.5 million jobs and 20 percent of gross domestic product.” See a new policy brief from Sander Tordoir and Brad Setser on how German industry can survive the second China shock. Link.
+ Stefan Schoppengerd provides a closer look at the German steel industry’s work time policies and green transition. Link. And see Jian Gao et al. on inter-industry and inter-regional learning in China. Link.
+ “The so-called ‘social market economy’ was a concession made by the CDU to the popular movements which had forcefully repudiated Erhard’s market fundamentalism and fought for a larger share of West German gains in the years after the war.” In PW, see Uwe Fuhrmann on the Rhenish model in Germany. Link.
NEW RESEARCHERS
Faith
ALESSANDRO PIZZIGOLOTTO is a postdoc at the Department of Economics of the University of Copenhagen. In a recent paper coauthored with Jeanet Sinding Bentzen and Lena Lindbjerg Sperling, he examines initiatives in the US that aimed to increase the number faith-based nonprofits and to strengthen their links to government.
From the abstract:
“How do strengthened church-state relations impact religiosity and social values? To
examine, we exploit the staggered introduction of the faith-based initiatives across US
states. Introduced by conservative Protestants in the 1990s, these policies aimed to im-
prove conditions for faith-based groups and to increase their numbers. Our difference-
in-differences analysis reveals that the initiatives managed to increase the number of
faith-based nonprofits and to strengthen religiosity and conservative-religious social
views – such as attitudes against LGBTQ+ and abortion. Effects were only felt by
Protestants. Notably, 9% of Americans who were not regular churchgoers started
attending monthly or more. Of the 10,274 new faith-based organizations during the pe-
riod, 15% may have opened due to the faith-based initiatives. A back-of-the-envelope
calculation suggests that these organizations may potentially have reached 8.2% of
American Protestants. Effects are plausibly causal; we find no systematic differences
prior to implementation, evidence is robust to using novel staggered-rollout designs,
restricting comparison to contiguous counties, and to estimation based on triple differ-
ences exploiting religious group heterogeneity. Our results contribute to explaining US
polarization and highlight consequences of tightened church-state relations.”
+++
+ “The new Trump Administration is turbo-charging the lesser known but increasingly dominant agenda within USAID: ‘mobilizing private capital.'” New on PW, Daniela Gabor on DOGE, USAID, and the Wall Street Consensus. Link.
+ “The one variable that remains the most crucial determinant of changes in the price level in Brazil is the exchange rate. To understand Brazilian inflation, one needs to examine global financial cycles.” Also new on PW, Fernando Rugitsky on Brazil’s central banking system, monetary autonomy, and capital controls. Available in Englishand Portuguese.
+ “Will people interpret their role in a significantly hotter future as passive consumers? Will the political history of climate change in the US be remembered as a market-based fait accompli—the paternalism of government by business?” For PW, Ben Kodres-O’Brien reviews Sandeep Vaheesan’s Democracy in Power: A History of Electrification in the United States. Link.
+ Hanming Fang, Ming Li, Long Wang, and Yang Yang on China’s high-speed rail system and EV adoption. Link.
+ “We show that the Brazilian trade liberalization in the early 1990s led to a permanent relative decline in the vote share of left-wing presidential candidates in the regions more affected by the tariff cuts.” By Pedro Ogeda, Emanuel Ornelas, and Rodrigo R Soares. Link.
+ “Tariffs will put upward pressure on the value of the US dollar in global markets, which will make our exports more expensive and increase the attractiveness of imports to US customers—primary causes of US trade deficits and manufacturing job losses.” By Adam S. Hersh and Josh Bivens. Link.
+ “Those who have spent years scanning the horizon for risks of a fiscal crisis should fix their sights on the president’s malpractice.” By Wendy Edelberg and Ben Harris. Link.
+ “Indeed the nationalization of Renault after liberation gave a new hope to the cartel’s desire of larger orders from the company and of a closer relationship. During the German occupation, Jean Dupin had direct contacts with the Resistance, particularly with engineer Pierre Lefaucheux, who became a friend of his. When Lefaucheux was appointed CEO of the nationalized Renault, Dupin lobbied him to use aluminium on the postwar Renault models. In the early months of 1945, Dupin invited Lefaucheux and his deputy R&D director, Fernand Picard, to watch a demonstration of the AFG car staged by Baron and to drive the car. The verdict was as negative as at Simca: The use of aluminium for both the body and mechanical parts made the model costly to build and impossible to manufacture in large quantities in a timely way. As Citroën had during the German occupation, the nationalized Renault abandoned the aluminium used on its 4 CV prototype and replaced it with pig-iron. The importance of the demographic renewal and the changes in the economic and political perspectives that Dupin stressed in his book one year later did not allow the cartel to extend the limits of the compromise.” By Patrick Fridenson. Link.